The late US second-in-command Dick Cheney, who passed away at age 84, was considered among the most influential incumbents of the vice-presidency in the nation's history. Whereas countless vice-presidents had to settle for peripheral or figurehead roles, Cheney wielded huge influence during the term of George W Bush, to such an extent that he was commonly referred to as the "real president".
Bush disliked such a characterisation and stated the connection was more complicated. He noted that Cheney was respectful, always referring to him in public as the President, while he called him as Dick. Bush questioned even descriptions of their relationship as a team because it indicated that they were on equal footing. Regardless of these denials, Cheney viewed the relaxed president pliable on a broad range of governmental choices.
The Period Following the Attacks
In charge of a group of neo-cons that included defence secretary Donald Rumsfeld and deputy defence secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he strongly advocated the military intervention of Iraq in 2003 in answer to the September 11th attacks on New York and Washington. During of the 9/11 assault, Bush had been taking part in a meeting at a educational institution in Florida. Whereas Bush headed for a underground facility in Nebraska, Cheney assumed control, directing the shooting down of any non-communicating planes heading toward the Capitol building.
Cheney claimed the attacks changed him, causing him to be intent on revenge. Together with other neo-cons, including Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he campaigned for a occupation of Afghanistan in an attempt to capture Osama bin Laden. Cheney then strongly advocated for the armed intervention of Iraq, even though there was no evidence of Saddam Hussein having involvement.
Disputed Decisions
He expressed no regrets about the military campaign, in which an approximated 100,000 Iraqis died, or about the harsh treatment of individuals rounded up after 9/11. He told CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion, which was based on inaccurate information circulated by Cheney, was the correct path to take. "It was the proper decision to do at that time. I was convinced then and I maintain that stance today."
But even then, there were opposing views at a top tier about the poor management of Iraq. One of the White House's own delegates to the region, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not retained from the role. "I witnessed, at a minimum," he subsequently stated "true dereliction, carelessness, and irresponsibility: in the worst case, falsehoods, unfitness, and graft."
Additional Factors
Cheney was not solely accountable for the Iraq invasion. Prior to 9/11, Wolfowitz had advocated for such action. He had written a memorandum setting out circumstances in which American interests might be threatened (including "obtaining essential resources, mostly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had argued that "the US should be postured to take unilateral action when cooperative measures cannot be orchestrated," specifically referencing defense operations against Iraq.
Bush additionally had arrived in the White House vaguely intent on carrying out what his predecessor had specifically avoided to do in 1991; remove Saddam. After he had been dismissed by the administration, the treasury secretary Paul O'Neill disclosed how, at the opening session of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had declared his objective of lowering America's engagement in the Middle East dispute and mooted military action against Iraq.
Bush carried a personal grudge against Saddam, thinking he had been responsible for a scheme to murder his father, President George HW Bush, on a journey to Kuwait in 1993. He furthermore resented that one of the biggest hotels in Baghdad had a ground design with a image of his father's countenance that all visitors had to tread upon.
Questioning Techniques
However it was Cheney who was part of the most outspoken advocating attacking Iraq, consistently quoting intelligence reports that were whether insubstantial or entirely inaccurate. He endorsed what the Bush government politely called as "intensive questioning", the application of waterboarding and physical pressure.
Answering a Senate analysis in 2014 that found that no valuable data had come from the torture, Cheney disregarded the findings as "full of crap". He stated to Fox News: "We instructed [the CIA] to establish protocols and create initiatives to catch the bastards who killed 3,000 of us on 9/11 and ensure it was not repeated. That was specifically what they did and they earn a lot of credit."
External Perception
Cheney took pleasure in monikers imposed on him by critics such as the dark character and The Prince of Darkness, and by the concept that he was a shadow power directing Bush. In the journalist's 2013 publication about the pair, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is cited as commenting: "Is it me who is the malevolent mastermind in the shadows that nobody ever sees emerge from his domain? That is a effective way to work, actually."
Business Interests
Dispute over his commercial relationships followed him through his period as second-in-command. Although he had limited background in commerce but established relationships in defence, especially in Saudi Arabia, he was asked to become part of Halliburton, one of the world's largest petroleum corporations, in 1995 as chair and top executive.
In 2000 he assumed the role of Bush's running mate for the White House. Controversially, during the military campaign, Halliburton was awarded US deals totaling multiple billions.
It significantly boosted his finances. His yearly compensation during his tenure at the corporation rose from his quarter-million dollars during his time as defence secretary to millions. When he left in 2000 he had a compensation package totaling more than $20m|twenty
